The highs of a hue

The CPM’s fortunes may be on the wane but parts of the Malabar region in northern Kerala, the birthplace of the communist party in the state, is dotted with villages where the writ of the Marxists still runs. However, as the party withers away, these villages too, are in the throes of inevitable change.

In these hamlets, called ‘party villages’ by the media, nothing would move without the CPM’s say-so. In these villages, especially in Kannur district, the party called the shots in every sphere of life from birth to death, employment to marriage, political activities to electoral campaigns. Party leaders held complete sway over how the villagers conducted themselves in all matters personal, social, economic and political.

The CPM's hold over the villagers was most visible during elections. No opposition was allowed and those owing allegiance to non-communist outfits had no democratic rights. Polling booths were manned solely by CPM workers. Political opponents were not permitted to nominate their representatives during the electoral process.

“One could not visit some of these party villages without the permission of the CPM bosses,” says an RSS-BJP worker on condition of anonymity. “Members of our outfits were harassed, attacked and even murdered in these places.” Back in the 1980s, Thalassery in Kannur district did indeed witness a series of political murders.

The scenario is no longer quite as alarming. “Our organisations’ decision to take a stand against CPM’s autocracy put an end to the rampant hooliganism,” adds the RSS-BJP activist. Indeed, the Sangh parivar did not take the CPM’s provocations lying down. They converted their strongholds into their own party villages. ‘Saffron kingdoms’ came up to counter the ‘red forts’.

Interestingly, while RSS complains about the continuing existence of CPM villages, it refuses to acknowledge that there are places in Kerala over which they have undisputed control. Of course, CPM workers too, feign ignorance when confronted with the reality of party villages, but accuse RSS, Congress and Muslim League of using force on people in several hamlets of the state.

On the ground, the writing is still rather clear. In many places in Kannur district, the symbols of CPM influence survive. Boards and wall writings welcoming people to the “red fort” or to “the soil of martyrs” are common in these villages. In the CPM villages, all electric poles and telephone posts are painted red. In the RSS strongholds, the colour of choice is obviously saffron. In the Muslim League areas, the telephone posts and bus shelters are coated green.

In the 1970's and 1980's, political violence was triggered when the CPM’s opponents, especially the Sangh parivar outfits, challenged the party’s stranglehold over villages. Under normal circumstances, in a party village, differences of political opinion are not allowed to translate into open expression of solidarity for the opposition. In a CPM village, saffron and Congress flags are banned.

“Expressions like party villages and party wards are a media creation. But  party strongholds do exist,” says former CPM worker Radhakrishnan. “Earlier, these set-ups were very rigid. But in the last ten years, the fanatic attitude of the party has been diluted and now it is at all-time low in the aftermath of the murder of TP Chandrasekharan.”

Says a senior police officer who worked in Kannur district for a long period: “The last decade has seen a decline in the intensity of activities in party villages. Earlier, each party village demanded total allegiance from its people, but they are now ushering in a semblance of democracy. This is because of stringent action by the police.”

He adds: “A new generation of villagers with greater access to the world outside and a depoliticised police have made a marked difference. And the TP Chandrasekharan murder has changed the mindset of the people.”

Chandrasekharan was murdered in May 2012. According to the police chargesheet, he was eliminated by CPM leaders with the help of party-affiliated professional killers. TP was a senior CPM leader who had quit and formed the Revolutionary Marxist Party (RMP). He recast the entire village set-up in his area, Onchiyam at Vadakara in Kozhikode district. The murder, the  investigation revealed, was pre-planned.

While the CPM villages may be losing their sting, the past is not fully behind them yet. Says Rajeev, a BJP activist of Kannur: “During the last Assembly Election in March 2011, our candidate was forced to campaign for the Left candidate. When he entered the village, CPM activists stopped his vehicle and asked him to seek votes for his opponent.”

These party set-ups do have their uses, according to one line of thinking. The arrangement ensures security for villagers by guaranteeing that every family has at least one member with a salaried job provided by the party. But disaffection is setting in rapidly and even those benefitting from the support system are beginning to waver.

Is the alienation of party workers a sign of the times? The CPM villages may be lying dormant for the moment but, as one local journalist points out, these modules can be reactivated at short notice as and when the need arises.