The Perils of Bodo Anger

The 2012 ethnic violence in Assam that claimed more than 100 lives has been interpreted in many different ways. For local Bodos, it was entirely a clash between indigenous people and illegal migrants. Politicians who use communalism to make a point have given it the spin potraying it as a clash between local Hindus and Muslim migrants from Bangladesh and elsewhere. Most familiar with the region agree that illegal migration has encroached upon tribal area and space, creating a sense of identity crisis for the indigenous people. Though the violence has come to an end, the question on everyones' lips is this: why do Bodos become angry from time to time? What are their principal grievances? Is it only related to illegal migration?

Prabhakar Bodo, spokesperson of the Bodoland People's Front (BPF) and former president of the All Assam Students' Union (AASU), says the BTAD clash between migrants and the indigenous people is an old point of discord dating back to the 1970s. "There was a time when Bodos introduced themselves as a part of the Assamese people but the state's high castes refused to grant them their due. When the Bodos began their movement, the Asom Sahitya Sabha had protested. In 1983 when they demanded the introduction of Bodo as the official associate language, there were loud protests. So Bodo leaders were compelled to withdraw their moral support to the Assam agitation,'' he said.

According to him, Bodos regard themselves as part of the Assamese society but oppose the claims of those who now claim to be representatives of that society, namely the Assam Sahitya Sabha and AASU, who have consistently ignored their sentiments. "They have not planned any developmental activities for the Bodos, who are now convinced that a merger with the Assamese society would endanger their identity. Most intellectualls here do not want to see Bodos grow,'' he alleges.  Bodos, one of the oldest ethnic groups in Assam who also claim  son of the soil status, feel they have been left out of the power stakes. They were also the first to demand a separate homeland. According to senior advocate and former Assam Agitation leader Nekibur Zaman, "The Bodo community is one of the oldest ethnic groups in the state and feel they have traditionally been exploited. At different times during their agitations, they have not got the support of local organisations and have operated in isolsation. The government had suppressed their movements using undemocratic means. Their women were raped and many Bodo youth lost their lives. The security forces tried to suppress their demand with the help of armed forces. The sense of insecurity and dissatisfaction among them led to an armed struggle. And this is how their ethnic militant groups NDFB and BLT came into existence. Because of their armed struggle, Adivasi, non-Bodos and caste Hindus were compelled to leave Bodo-dominated areas, ’’ he points out.

According to Zaman, leaders of the Assam agitation were also responsible for Bodo anger. During their language moment, Bodo leaders wanted their help but AASU leaders declined. Not just that; AASU leaders formed a parallel tribal organization at the Guwahati Commerce College, the All-Assam Tribal Students' Union and then, Rekha Rani Dasboro, Durga Das Bodo, Dilip Saikia Sonowal and Haliram Teron were their prominent leaders. The organization flopped but the AASU attitude left a negative impact on the Bodo community.''

Senior advocate and BJP leader RP Sarma says, "Tribals are not treated on par with people of the general castes. Because of this, tribal states like Meghalaya, Mizoram, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland were carved out. Had Captain Williamson Sangma been made chief minister of Assam, Meghalaya would not have come into existence. There is always a sense of doubt in the minds of the ethnic communities. They do not have confidence in the Assamese as they do not have upper caste Hindu acceptance.  In 1986, when Prafulla Kumar Mahanta was CM, he did not even meet ABSU leader Upendra Nath Brahma, the man Bodos treat as their god.''

Analysts believe the tribal angst against Assamese society  is not only limited to Bodos but other communities like Karbi and Dimasa, who are also opposed to the Assamese mainstream. "In this case we can mention the impact of missionaries. The other six tribal states of the North East are already under the influence of the missionaries and as a result, the majority of the people are becoming Christians. The missionaries are now targeting simple Bodos by instigating them against caste Hindus. The impact of missionaries is also evident in the high castes. Now most Assamese celebrate Friendship Day and Christmas and the education system, too, is already under  their spell. We have to realise that the missionaries have created a rift between the caste Hindus and Bodos. The number of Christians is increasing steadily in tribal dominated areas," says a senior political analyst.

This contantly shifting demographics are a source of constant friction between various ethnic communities in Assam and the state has often been likened to a tinderbox sitting on  the edge. Says one leader of the Assam agitation who does not want to disclose his name: "I personally represent the area where people of both communities, Assamese and Bodos, have lived for generations. Since my childhood, I have seen that the Bodo people think that they are the originl inhaitants of the state and so they always maintain a distance from all other communities."

He adds: "When we were school-going students, we had seen that boys and girls of the Bodo medium did not even talk to us.They have always maintained a distance from us. They have never tried to mix with people of other communities.’’ That may be only one person's perception, but this view reflects exactly how deep the social fissures are in Assam. Distrust between communities is a reality that cannot be wished away  no matter what the politicians might say.

Prabin Bodo, too, makes no bones about what is going wrong. He says: "I am thankful to the members of AASU because it was after I joined the organisation that I learnt to respect the nation and my nationality. There can be no denying that I derived a great deal from my association with AASU. But at the same time, I must say that this is the organization that disappointed me when it did not recognize the contribution of other communities in the state."
The BPF spokesman adds: "When Keshab Mahanta and Atul Bora were at the helm of AASU, they did try to step up coordination with ABSU. They even adopted a resolution for greater inter-community co-ordination. When I was a member of the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), I had submitted a charter of 21 demands to the party president. The charter was meant to help AGP make inroads into the tribal-dominated areas of Assam. I am now a member of the BPF and through this regional party I want to serve the people of the state. Our party president has already asserted that BTAD is open for all except the illegal migrants."

Prabin Bodi also asserts: "We will never indulge in the kind of politics that thrives on turning these illegal migrants into a vote bank. Our party has declared in no uncertain terms that no illegal migrants will be allowed to settle down in BTAD area anymore. At present the BPF is trying to strengthen its roots in other parts of the state."
He declares that if the people who live in other parts of Assam begin to understand "our point of view and extend their support to our ongoing struggle to reclaim our land, we will definitely try to create an Assam that would be completely without illegal migrants".

These words are anything but reassuring for those hoping for a quick solution to the problems that the Bodo areas of Assam face. There are ominous signs that, if matters do not improve quickly enough, the Bodos could significantly up the ante in the months ahead.