Modi and the mutineers

Modi and the mutineers

Of late, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been in the news for all the wrong reasons. Heads have rolled in the wake of infighting among party leaders, especially against the backdrop of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi jockeying aggressively to get ahead in the race to be the faction-ridden BJP's prime ministerial candidate in the 2014 general elections.

The party headquarters at 11 Ashoka Road in New Delhi has been a beehive of activity in recent weeks. BJP president Nitin Gadkari, who was once Maharashtra's public works minister, finds himself shouldering the responsibility of building bridges between bickering party leaders. The leader from Nagpur, the seat of the RSS, naturally has his hands full.
Modi's clout within the BJP has grown after the recent Mumbai meeting of the party's national executive. Gadkari had to give in to Modi's demand to oust Sanjay Joshi, BJP national executive member in charge of Uttar Pradesh, as the Gujarat CM had made that move a precondition for his attending the Mumbai meeting.

Matters came to a head when pro-Joshi posters sprang up at the party headquarters in Delhi and Ahmedabad. BJP leaders were left red-faced. Soon thereafter, on June 8, BJP spokesperson Prakash Javdekar read out a prepared statement: "Sanjay Joshi has requested Nitin Gadkari to relieve him from the party. His request has been accepted.” Javdekar refused to field any questions on the issue.

“Nobody has seen the resignation. Joshi was removed as UP in charge, but the spokesperson was asked to read a statement stating he had resigned, a clever move given the circumstances,” reveals a source in the party central leadership.

“Modi is emerging as the strongest contender for prime pinisterial candidature from the party, well ahead of Arun Jaitley and Sushma Swaraj although LK Advani hasn't withdrawn his own claim as yet,” adds the source.

The party, recently described by Congress spokesperson Manish Tiwari as "sultans of communalism", has decided to bury the Joshi episode. Joshi, who once played a decisive role in the Gujarat BJP, has been eased out to ensure smooth working of the party under the new emerging leadership. Though Joshi supporters remain muted for now, the prevailing calm could be misleading.

The BJP, on its part, dismisses all talk of infighting as media hype. “As part of a strategy, the RSS had brought Sanjay Joshi into the BJP, and now it is the same RSS which has recalled him for a different role,” says Meenakshi Lekhi, another vocal BJP spokesperson.

It is another matter that the slugfest was also reflected in BJP mouthpiece Kamal Sandesh and RSS mouthpiece Panchajanya, both of which hit out at Modi, while another RSS mouthpiece Organiser spoke in Modi's favour. Joshi, who was to handle the BJP election campaign for the coming local body polls in UP, is now headed to the RSS headquarters in Nagpur, if sources are to be believed. He will probably be assigned a specific role aimed at mobilising support on the ground.

An RSS functionary says on condition of anonymity: “Joshi may be put in charge of the most important RSS project – Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram – which aims at reducing the gap between Hindu tribes and stop conversions in the Northeast and other tribal-dominated areas across India.” The source adds: “Joshi has been a close confidant of Mohan Bhagwat. The latter will take care of the situation”.

Joshi may be out of the way, but Modi has other staunch detractors, especially in its Gujarat unit. He will have to reckon with veteran Gujarat BJP leaders who are in an openly intransigent mood. This rebel group is hoping to mobilise pro-Joshi elements to mount a challenge to Modi as Gujarat prepares for polls later this year.

Sanjaybhai to his close associates, Joshi made headlines in 2005 after his name surfaced in an alleged 'sex CD' case. Although the charges were never proven, the party sent the leader into political exile after his resignation as BJP general secretary.

One-time colleagues as RSS pracharaks, Modi and Joshi have come a long way. While Modi, as the chief minister of Gujarat, was often seen drifting away from the core RSS ideology for which he drew flak, Joshi held his ground all through.

“Joshi was a grassroots worker known for his honesty. At his residence at 112 South Avenue in New Delhi, he was always accessible to partymen,” says a leader. He adds: “This move by Modi will only hamper his persona in national politics and the debate will move away from his development and economic growth card.”

The Keshubhai Patel-led faction in Gujarat BJP has upped the ante against Modi's brand of politics and governance. This faction, increasingly marginalised over the years, has gained ground lately and may tacitly back Joshi.

The tone and tenor of the incipient revolt was clear in early June when Keshubhai, addressing a gathering of the Patel community, said: “You are descendants of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. You need not fear anyone. Come out in the open and voice your protest against whatever wrong you feel Patels have been subjected to.” The Patel sammelan, which was organised in Dholka, attracted under 4000 people. Opponents of Modi projected a much higher figure of 40,000.

Modi has, in the past, played on caste affiliations while emphasising development to woo Gujaratis as well as to change his image at the national level. He started the Sadbhavna Mission to lure the minorities. But 2011-12 was the worst year for the Gujarat riots accused as many significant judgments were delivered during this period, convicting many, most of them belonging to the dominant Patel community.

As the indignation of the Patel community increased, Modi initiated ‘Mission Patel’ to assuage their feelings. Patels accused the Modi administration of foul play. In the run-up to the Gujarat state elections, the emphasis has changed slightly: casteism is beginning to overshadow sadbhavna and development.

Gujarat’s Patel community is divided mainly into two groups, Kadva and Leua. Second only to the OBCs (more than 50 per cent), this community has more than 22 per cent vote share. It is very important for any political party to influence them.

Six months ago, Kadvas organised a massive gathering in the Saurashtra region and invited Modi as chief guest. After the success of the Sadbhavna Mission and the Kadva Patidar Sammelan, Modi clearly focussed on caste politics by organising various community rallies, including those for Kshatriyas and Adivasis.

To counter the Kadvas, Leua Patels organised another massive rally where Keshubhai Patel was the chief mentor. After  a silence of almost a decade since losing chief ministership, Keshubhai has suddenly raised the banner of revolt. At the Leua rally, he alleged, “Patels are in the grip of fear under the current regime.” A few months ago, political analyst Vishnu Joshi had commented, “Rallies of particular communities ahead of elections indicate nothing but political rivalry.”

After Keshubhai's revolt, Gujarat’s political arena is gripped by casteism like UP and Bihar. Modi, the Keshubhai faction of BJP, including dissident Gordhan Zadaphiya’s Mahagujarat Janata Party, and the main opposition Congress are out to woo people on caste lines. All three main rivals (BJP under Modi, BJP under Keshubhai and Congress) have started parallel caste rallies to woo Patels, OBCs, SCs and Adivasis. A political analyst says, “These rallies are nothing but a show of strength.”

In a recent rally of Adivasis at Panchmahal, Keshubhai exhorted the people to throw out the "Ravan (demon) of Gandhinagar". He said: “The situation is unbearable. I've kept silent for long.” In a Patel rally at Surat, Keshubhai appealed to people to throw away fear and said “Dar ke aage jeet hai (Beyond fear is victory)."

After Keshubhai’s attack on Modi, BJP fears a backlash on the former's activities. According to a source, the Modi group has complained to the party high command that the anti-party activities of Keshubhai and other Gujarat veterans like Kashiram Rana and Suresh Mehta would cost the BJP dear. After the removal of Joshi, the Modi faction is now eager to sideline the Keshubhai faction. Modi's men are apprehensive that a Patel backlash could prove detrimental to Modi's national aspirations in the long run.

Tremors of this kind are not new to Modi. But such rumblings before the assembly elections are a cause for worry. Not only has the internal war in the party intensified, BJP faced a massive defeat in the Mansa constituency earlier this year at the hands of the Congress. Mansa had been held by the BJP for four successive terms.

“Modi will be seen campaigning across the nation, while Arun Jaitley has as usual been given a free hand to handle the media. Gadkari on the other hand is happy being in charge of the overall party administration,” says a highly-placed party source, asserting that “Modi and Gadkari have come closer for a long-term partnership”.

On the other hand, Advani, the seniormost BJP leader has been a quiet observer of this political game. RSS, claims an insider, had suggested that Advani should play the role of a “father figure” in the BJP, asking him to “launch an anti-corruption BJP yatra across India, where RSS cadre would back him with all possible physical strength”. The idea, it seems, hasn’t impressed Advani too much.

While Modi continues to silently tackle the stain of the Gujarat riots and chooses to ignore the continued media grilling, it would be imperative for him to galvanise the leadership and the party cadres as one unified outfit if he has his eyes on the post of prime minister. The Sanjay Joshi hurdle may have been removed for now, but there are many more strewn in his path.