A popular anti-corruption campaign led by Anna Hazare fires the imagination of the people and puts electoral and judicial reforms at the forefront, report Anil Pandey and Mayank Singh
ANIL PANDEY AND MAYANK SINGH | Issue Dated: May 1, 2011, New Delhi
Tags :
Anna Hazare | lokpal panel | jantar mantar | celebrities | committee | government |
In the first week of January, the decks for a modern and widespread anti-corruption agitation were being cleared, albeit unwittingly.
At NGO Chetanalaya's office situated on Bhai Vir Singh Marg near the central business district of Connaught Place, social and environmental crusader Arvind Kejriwal had organised a tentative first meeting of fellow activists to discuss the agenda for an important anti-corruption rally to be held at Delhi's Ram Lila Ground on January 30. Of the 250-odd invitees, mostly from in and around Delhi, only 21 made it.
For those aspiring to turn New Delhi's Jantar Mantar into another Tahrir Square, it was a body blow. Recalls Devendra Singh, one of those who attended, "Kejriwal's face fell. The levels of cynicism among activists was disappointing.''
As if to lift the mood of pessimism, another invitee Shivendra Singh Chauhan, told the motley bunch present there, "Let's use Facebook to reach out to our young people, who are ultimately the catalysts of change.''
For those who may have thought that Shivendra was shooting from the hip, the January 30 rally was a success and set off a chain of events which culminated in Anna Hazare's armada claiming centre stage on April 5, focusing on anti-corruption in a way that has not grabbed public imagination and attention since the hey day of the Bofors movement in the late 1980s, well over two decades ago.
The methods deployed by Chauhan and others were not much different from Tahrir Square though. "For over two months, on Facebook we reached out to more 500 towns in the country, in addition to users in Europe and the Gulf countries and prepared a dedicated band of volunteers, who ultimately brought out people in their own respective towns and cities on April 5 to make the movement what it became,'' Chauhan explains.

The success of this movement, best epitomised in the smiling figure of Anna Hazare, the patron saint from Maharashtra, who has hit this road before in his home state using tactics not deployed since the 1940s when a certain Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi held centrestage. The most effective of the Gandhian methods: to organise public bhajans against corruption, a method likely to attract little retribution and much goodwill.
But any leader needs troops and it is this dedicated band of volunteers which made the Anna Hazare movement a top draw last week. The other leading lights included known public activists like Magsaysay award winner Arvind Kejriwal, former law minister Shanti Bhushan, ex-cop Kiran Bedi, Swami Agnivesh and lawyer Prashant Bhushan; they became the faces of this nascent rebellion.
Hazare's movement – which lasted no longer than three days – took the country by storm. The 95-hour sit-in which ended on April 9 ensured that the government had agreed to concede some ground to Hazare: the joint committee set up to bring amendments into the Lokpal bill will now include social activists. Says activist Medha Patkar, "The methods adopted were democratic.''

In a modern 21st century India, described as the second largest growing economy in the world, a movement against corruption presents the paradox that the country is. A movement led by the powerful, rising middle class and users of the Facebook and Internet had as its leader a man, Anna Hazare, who is not known to have used a computer.
Just what was the kind of popular base for this movement? On April 11, 31 lakh people supported Anna's missed-call campaign in support, which earlier numbered a few thousand; there were more than four crore messages of support on Twitter and on April 5, Hazare was the most searched man on Google!
The story of Hazare's success was scripted not just by the atmospherics at Jantar Mantar and the broad public support that it espoused, but by the young men and women behind the scene, the backroom boys and girls who worked tirelessly and ceaselessly, without a care for personal comfort or well being.
So if journalist Shivendra galvanised the Facebook and social networking sites for educating the young on the virtues of the anti-corruption campaign, Swati, Aashwati Neeraj, Vibhav, Ram and their comrades did the hectic leg work working the rounds of Delhi to mobilise opinion and drum up support.
Points out Swati, "We prepared a 50-strong team whose job was to go to schools and colleges and distribute pamphlets, urging all of them to assemble at Jantar Mantar. We sent out about 4.5 crore SMSes to people and tried to link them to our overall campaign.''
A crucial backroomer was Manish Sisodia, a former TV journalist for whom the previous job held no great charm. Sisodia – a veritable commander at Jantar Mantar – combined with Kejriwal to campaign in other states, to goad somewhat somnolent activists into surfacing overground. By the looks of it, they were successful.
Interestingly, Hazare had his select team from his own backyard. There were six volunteer teams from his village Ralegan Siddhi in Maharashtra's Ahmednagar district who campaigned actively in 26 districts of the state. Among those who closely accompanied Hazare on his dharna included Suresh Pathare, Jaisingh Mahapare, Dada Pathare, Rahul Khamkar, Vijay Hazare and Anil Saye.
From Mumbai came the cream of civil society headed by the state's leading medical practitioners; cancer surgeon Dr Rajiv Chandra, neuro surgeon Prof Pravin Sharma from the Mahatma Gandhi Medical College and Dr Sunil Gande from Ahmednagar.
The three not just sat on hunger strike and distributed pamphlets, but also treated some of those who became unwell during the course of the agitation. Says Dr Rajiv Chandra, "We brought out scores of anti-corruption posters in Mumbai and Maharashtra. We along with some medics have set up an organisation, 'My India', where thousands of professionals from all over the country have linked up. We are even thinking of putting in place a political party.''
The other time-tested tactic designed to grab eyeballs were street plays. In
Asmita Natya Manch, the activists found a potent weapon. Theatre director Arvind Gaur presented 'Corruption', a play that drew strong responses from audiences, particularly under the circumstances in which they were being staged.
Under the leadership of 26-year-old Shilpi Marwah, a 40-member troupe performed street plays in various areas in the national capital, from posh south Delhi colonies to slums where they were welcomed with much warmth and merriment. Says Shilpi, "We've done 500 shows in Delhi and other towns. We would leave at 7 am and continue till midnight. There were days when we did not eat and survived on endless cups of tea.''
Not surprisingly, leaders of the movement remained acutely aware of keeping the media on its side. Kejriwal himself met newspaper editors and TV channel bosses in an effort to impress upon them the facts of their case. The media obliged by keeping Hazare as their top story as long as the stir lasted.
Says Kejriwal, a long-time campaigner for RTI, "Mere information flow is no guarantee against corruption. We need an effective Lokpal for it. The bill, as proposed by this government, kept the judiciary and the bureaucracy out of the ambit of the Lokpal. If our amendments are adopted, the bill would go a long way in fighting corruption.''
He should know. Kejriwal was primarily responsible for drafting the proposed Jan Lokpal bill in 2010 – as opposed to the government draft. Those who assisted him included senior lawyer Shanti Bhushan, Karnataka Lokayukta Santosh Hegde and Prashant Bhushan.
These activists say that despite several reminders to the Prime Minister and Congress president, the government did not think it fit to engage Hazare and the others. So when Hazare announced that he was going to sit on hungerstrike to protest corruption and bring suitable changes to the Lokpal bill, even they did not fathom the impact of what was in the offing. Confesses an activist, "We thought if we can get a crowd of 3,000 to 4,000, out job would be done.'' Says Prashant Bhushan, "Our long term goal is to keep our focus on corruption.''
The critical question that needs answering is this: what is the future of this movement? Says Anna, "We are preparing for a countrywide stir. The government may have acceded to our demand, but this isn't the end of the struggle. In fact it is the beginning. We intend to put on the agenda issues like poll reforms, right to recall and negative voting.''
The civil society, too, has come out in support of the agitation. From Bollywood, choreographer Farah Khan travelled all the way to Delhi. States Khan, "I wish to see my children grow in an honest India. I request all mothers to support this." Avers music composer Vishal Dadlani, "Let us support this struggle. The battle can happen only if we step out of our comfort zone.''
As is the wont of public agitations in the country, eyebrows were raised when yoga guru Baba Ramdev joined in and decided to turn the focus of corruption on the Congress and its president rather than the subject under discussion, leading to a split in the ranks. The setback, however, appears to be temporary. Already close to five million people have signed the online petition in favour of amendments to the Lokpal bill. It would be worthwhile recalling that when Jayaprakash Narayan launched his 'Total Revolution' stir back in the 1970s, not many gave him any chance. Yet it worked. Could Anna have, similarly, sparked another prairie fire?
Shanti Bhushan
Eminent lawyer and Union law minister (1977-79) in Morarji Desai government, he played a crucial role in drafting the Lokpal bill which led Anna Hazare to sit on an indefinite fast. He has been in the forefront of the campaign for accountability of the Indian judiciary. He is the co-chairman of the committee which will redraft the Lokpal bill.
Kiran Bedi
When Kiran Bedi waved the gazette notification on committee on Lokpal bill, it was not her first participation in fight against corruption. This former policewoman, left service in 2007 and has, since then, fought for social issues.
Prashant Bhushan
Judicial system has been his tool to reach out to people. Bhushan has been an PIL (Public Interest Litigation) activist and has been continuously working for cleaning the judicial system. He is also one of the members of the committee formed for introducing amendments in the Lokpal bill.
Swami Agnivesh
This social activist is best known for his contribution to the fight against bonded labour and for his role as a mediator in the 'now on, now off' negotiations with the Maoists. Swami Agnivesh has over the years also spearheaded concerted movements against child labour and female foeticide.
Ram Bahadur Rai, Veteran journalist and key Jayaprakash Narayan aide
Jantar-Mantar is standing up to its name. It has become a Jantar Mantar of democracy. Last week it was witness to a fast by Anna Hazare. The place is famous for symbolic protests. Earlier, it was Boat Club; now it is Jantar Mantar. If one can remember, Jat leader Mahendra Singh Tikait had managed to seize Boat Club and threaten the very existence of the Rajiv Gandhi government. Consequently, Boat Club saw no protests then onwards. Now, after the Hazare episode, there are genuine chances that the government might decide to do the same with Jantar Mantar. In fact, the decision looks inevitable.
Hazare's fast has been covered in different ways. People have termed it as a “people's movement” or “people's revolution”. People who were cautious merely termed it as a “phenomenon”. Others dismissed it as a mere “incident”. So the question arises, what were the four days all about? All the above mentioned words have different connotation. I believe that every word expresses its own meaning. They don't require definitions. The people who organised this are one-sided. Naturally, their analysis will always be one-sided. Of course, we cannot expect anybody to criticise one's own event. Therefore, it is perfectly fine if they term it as a people's revolution. But when the media starts using the same nomenclature, it becomes important to dissect it as to whether there is any difference between a revolution and an agitation. Revolution has a wider goal. It is a long drawn-out affair. Agitations have limited goals. The pattern in which people attach themselves to these decides whether it is a “phenomenon” or merely an “incident”.
Hazare's fast should be seen in this context. It will then be easier to decide whether it was a phenomenon or incident or agitation or movement or for that matter revolution. There was no hazard or risk involved, so people participated in large numbers. People who have witnessed or studied some of the revolutions and movements post-Independence can tell you that Hazare's fast cannot be termed as a movement or revolution. At the most, it can be termed as a phenomenon that caught the people's imagination. Quite a few of them were treating it as merely a picnic and were seen loafing around. All the risks that an average movement or revolution carries were missing by a furlong. If there were hazards involved, we wouldn't have seen what we did at Jantar Mantar. The fast was imitated in other parts of India too. People raised slogans to protest against the government and support the fast. This gives a glimpse of how passions were simmering. But it is not enough for a movement or revolution. Hazare himself refrained from calling it so. He just sat on fast to demand a legislation.
The stage he was sitting on had a banner in the background that read “Indefinite Fast for Jan Lokpal bill”. Ironically, both the organisers and the media were terming it as a “fast unto death”. They could have known the difference between 'indefinite fast' and 'fast unto death'. An indefinite fast has an option of breaking it. In fact, it is sort of a prerogative. In contrast, fast unto death is a different ball game. Here, the person concerned takes a vow to die if his or her demands are not met. In fast unto death, lots of people have lost their lives even after the Independence movement era. Why Hazare conveniently forgot this difference is perplexing. The way this agitation or protest was propped up by the media as a movement or revolution has in fact raised the question on the very meaning of it. Why is an agitation being termed a movement? Is it because there is a need for revolution? So does that mean every agitation will be termed as a movement or revolution?
This agitation is for a demand on which the government has dilly-dallied for four decades. Lokpal should be formed. And it should be empowered enough to rein in corruption. But it is wrong to believe that this will weed out corruption altogether. Any law, no matter how stringent or effective, will never be able to change the system as a whole. Of course I don't say there is no need for a stringent law on corruption. Every citizen has the right to know why Lokpal has not been constituted. People asserted this right by coming out on the streets.
Anna's detractors are calling his agitation blackmail. This includes three important newspapers in English. The columnists in these papers have called 'indefinite fast' unnecessary for a constitutional democracy. So a hungers trike against an elected government has been described as blackmail. But this argument is as one-sided as the other one by the organisers claim that the law will cleanse our democracy of corruption. It is beyond argument that Anna's goals are credible. His ways are non-violent and hence democratic. But the argument does not stop here. The question is about the entire system. The system that gives rise to corruption and other issues cannot be dealt with merely through a law. This is the lesson to be learnt.