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THE STATE HAS WITHERED AWAY
Use of force a cardinal mistake
The govt has walked into the Maoist trap, writes dr. Sharit K. Bhowmik
 
The incidents in Lalgarh bring to light the chaotic situation created by the government in trying to control a handful of Maoists. The modern State is the most powerful institution because it controls all aspects of its citizens' lives. Moreover, it has the monopoly over the use of coercion. The State is therefore expected to provide a peaceful atmosphere where its citizens can live and work with freedom. Unfortunately, the reality is quite different.

The bloody outcome in Lalgarh confirms what I had feared in an article in the Bengali edition of this magazine just when Operation Lalgarh began. The State’s violence, I had written, would push common people into the Maoist fold. The State beats up, arrests and punishes people who may not be Maoists or even support them. Following their experience, they invariably start hating the State. The State walks into the Maoist trap.

Unfortunately, Left-ruled West Bengal looks after affluent people alone while its benevolent role towards the working poor becomes increasingly invisible. The State is oppressor to the toilers. In urban areas, slum dwellers and vendors know of the State and its officials as entities that extort money from them or frequently deprive them of their dwellings or their livelihood.

Over the years, especially post-liberalisation, the state has withdrawn from areas where it should have intervened. West Bengal is no exception. The public health system is in shambles as district hospitals do not have basic facilities. Poorer patients from the districts flock to state-run hospitals in Kolkata. The parallel private hospitals remain inaccessible to the working poor.

The education system has witnessed similar degradation. Government-run schools are in a mess. Most schools in rural areas do not have infrastructure, including school buildings, classrooms, furniture or even books and blackboards. Teachers are mostly appointed on the basis of their political affiliation. Imperatives like provision of drinking water, agricultural inputs to small farmers, irrigation facilities and land redistribution to the rural poor are shelved.


 
However, the coercive role against people is upped. Nandigram and Singur, where the government forcibly attempted to acquire land from farmers for the benefit of big businesses, are prime examples. The state failed to realise that the adage might is right often doesn’t work. But the government didn’t learn any lesson and engaged in a more violent offensive in Lalgarh. The protests there have been led by alleged Maoists and the state has tried to quell it with a heavy hand. The protests stem from long-term deprivation faced by tribal people. Despite three decades of Left rule, this area has been kept out of the development paradigm. In addition, in the case of Lalgarh, the CPI(M), has been a part of the exploitative force. Trouble started when villagers razed the house of the party’s zonal committee secretary. This house stood out as a palace in contrast to the abject poverty surrounding it.

Instead of trying to understand the problems facing the rural poor, the state has started a reign of terror. Unfortunately, the Maoists, with their undesirable violent methods, have become the guardians of the people. There were two ways of tackling this issue. First was to enter into talks with people and local leaders to bring about an amicable non-violent solution. Second option was the use of brute force. The state government and the Centre have opted for the latter. Twenty one companies of paramilitary forces are deployed plus the state police and other outfits such as Rapid Action Force to combat 400 Maoist supporters, as per the chief minister’s figures. That has been a failure. The government asked for six additional companies.

To use a Bengali phrase, this is like using a cannon to kill a mosquito. Unfortunately, cannonballs cannot kill mosquitoes but destroy everything else.

(The writer is Dean of School of Management and Labour Studies at Tata Institute of Social Sciences)

The views expressed are personal and do not reflect those of the publication
          
 


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